Leo Kornilov. Lev Kornilov: How are the roads in Bryansk? Who is your biggest fan

The Nakhodka guy Lev Kornilov in a very short time managed to go from an amateur team player to a professional football player. In the 2005 season, he won silver medals in the championship of Primorsky Territory as part of the Lokomotiv sawmill, and three years later he came to the attention of the breeders of the capital's Dynamo, however, the contract was not signed. But Kornilov still ended up in Dynamo, though not Moscow, but Barnaul, which made its debut in the 2008 championship in the first division.

- Lev, how did professional football start for you?

After serving in the army, I ended up in the timber plant "Lokomotiv". At that time, this team was coached by a rather well-known specialist Pavel Palatin. That year, our team managed to take second place in the championship of Primorye, and I was recognized as the best player in the region. When the season ended, I wanted to try myself in professional football. I turned to FC Okean and the director of the club, Viktor Vasilyevich Son, invited me to the training camp. True, the contract was signed with me just before the start of the season. At first, the former mentor of the Nakhodka team, Oleg Garin, only occasionally let me out on the field, but I really started playing in the third round of the championship.

- Nakhodka is far from Moscow. How did you manage to get on trial in Dynamo Moscow?

When the contract ended in the "Ocean", at the end of the season in our football club I received a letter from the RFU in which I was asked to be sent to the Vostok team to participate in the traditional Nadezhda tournament. Then the team was formed on the basis of "Amur" from Komsomolsk-on-Amur, and the task before us was to win this tournament. We became the second. Breeders from Amkar drew attention to me. I called Oleg Garin, but he advised me not to hurry. Oleg Sergeevich asked the Dynamo specialists to look me over, and I went to the capital. In one of the control matches, he managed to score the ball and give an assist. But in Moscow, “registering” did not work. You ended up in Dynamo Barnaul, which then played in the first division. Alas, to keep a residence permit in the second most important football league Russia Barnaul did not succeed, but you managed to stay in the first division...

We held the last round of the championship in Yekaterinburg. After the game, one of the Ural coaches came up and offered to continue his career as part of this team next season. Soon Alexander Mikhailovich Pobegalov called, and after a while I moved to Yekaterinburg. He did not regret his choice for a minute. Pobegalov is a specialist with a capital letter, a coach who teaches how to play football.

- Teaching?!

Exactly. I believe that a person should study all his life. Speaking about me personally, I only know about twenty percent about football. Therefore, I try to improve, to raise my level.

You have already entered the Dynamo stadium in Vladivostok both as a player for Ural and as a player for Lucha-Energy. Can you compare the feelings that you experienced as a player of the Yekaterinburg team and as a player of the Vladivostok club?

When I entered the field of the Vladivostok stadium while still in the Ural team, I wanted to show the Primorye spectators and specialists what I had learned, maybe even score a goal, but then it didn’t work out ...
However, while playing for Ural, I just did my job, I didn’t have such big emotions. Still, when you play for your home team, you want, first of all, not to lose face. Therefore, you give all your best on the field not just completely, but without a trace. Here I play not only for the club, but for my native land!

- Who is your most ardent fan?

Probably father. Although he is my biggest critic. After the games he sees on TV or in the stadium, he always points out the mistakes that I made. In general, he really “drives” his son (smiles).

It was thanks to my father that football started for me. At the age of three, he began to train me. We lived near the school and very often disappeared at the local stadium. And when I was five or six years old, he sent me to a sports school to Viktor Ksheminsky, who, by the way, taught Alexander Tikhonovetsky as a child. When Alexander moved from Okean to Luch, all the young pupils of the section where I studied had great pride in their fellow countryman.

- Grateful to Ksheminsky?

Certainly! First of all, for the fact that he put up with me. In adolescence, many young people have problems, and the mentor treated them with understanding: he didn’t drive me away, didn’t give up, but was able to grow a football player out of me.

Nakhodka has always been a football town. In 1992-93 "Ocean" performed in major league Russian football. At that time you were 9-10 years old. Surely, the sensational victories of the Nakhodka team over the great teams, in particular, over CSKA - 5:2, were deposited in my memory.

I don't remember how Ocean defeated CSKA. Something else remained in my memory: during some matches, we, along with other boys, served balls to the players, and thanks to this, there was a feeling of involvement in the action that took place on
field.

- Did you have any idols as a child?

Not! I have always loved to play football, but I still don't really enjoy watching matches. I have never seen any deity in the stars that came to Nakhodka.

- Do you believe in omens?

There is little. For example, on the day of the game, before the match, I don’t call anyone. Even to the wife.

KORNILOV AND LVOV

Savinkov returned from Mogilev to Petrograd on the afternoon of 25 August. By this time he had tried to drive away the heavy thoughts. The main thing was done - a compromise with Kornilov was found. Now only one thing remained: the necessary papers had to be signed by Kerensky. Immediately upon his return, Savinkov reported on the results of his trip to the prime minister, and then, at the request of the Minister of Railways P.P. Yurenev - and the entire composition of the government.

On the same day, Savinkov twice asked Kerensky to sign the papers finally brought from Headquarters, but both times he refused under some far-fetched pretexts. The same situation repeated itself the next day. Something was clearly going on with Kerensky. He woke up from the trance of the previous days and again resorted to his favorite way of delaying and postponing unpleasant decisions. Kerensky, by his own admission, had no serious reasons not to believe Kornilov. Rather, his notorious intuition worked here: he smelled the approaching changes, although he could hardly formulate what they consisted of.

However, Kerensky still had some information unknown to Savinkov. On August 22, when Savinkov left for Mogilev, a visitor visited the prime minister's office, who was destined to play a fatal role in the turbulent events of the following days. It was an old acquaintance of Kerensky V.N. Lvov. Like Kerensky, he was a member of the Fourth Duma, and like him, in March 1917 he joined the Provisional Government. In the Duma, Lvov was known as a specialist in the affairs of the Russian church. For this reason, in the office, headed by his namesake Prince G.E. Lvov, he took the post of chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod.

According to people who knew him closely, Lvov was a sincere person, but at the same time expansive and enthusiastic. He "was inspired by the best intentions and also struck with his naivete, and even with some incredibly frivolous attitude to the matter" (350) . When Kerensky took over the government, Lvov was forced to leave. Later he was reminded that in the heat of his anger he had then called Kerensky his mortal enemy. However, these were nothing more than words; Lvov's anger could almost instantly be replaced by the same suffocating adoration. Not even a few days had passed, and everywhere he began to shout about his admiration for Kerensky, whom he referred to only as his close friend.

As a former deputy of the Duma, Lvov took part in the work of the State Conference. Even on him, a man not too far-sighted, what he saw made a depressing impression. For another, it could cause anxiety, fear for the future. Lvov, with his over-emotional perception of the environment, almost fell ill. For him, the reconciliation of Kerensky and Kornilov became an obsessive thought. What happened next, at first glance, seems incredible, an absolutely fantastic series of mistakes. In fact, the tragic confusion of the following days was the product of that mutual distrust that made Kerensky, Kornilov, Savinkov, and all the others involved in this story, suspect each other of mortal sins.

In Moscow, Lvov stayed at the National Hotel. Here he accidentally met a certain I.A. Dobrynsky, with whom he was once familiar with a hat. Dobrynsky had a reputation as an adventurer and idle talker. Friends behind his back called him "Khan Tatar". He really boasted of his kinship with the famous Girey Khan dynasty and said that at his first word 40 thousand highlanders would rise. Pathological boastfulness was the main feature of Dobrynsky, and in order to create the impression of himself as a significant person, he constantly had to rotate in "circles".

Dobrynsky immediately told Lvov that he was going to Headquarters, where he had been invited to take part in some kind of secret meeting. In fact, no one invited Dobrynsky to Headquarters, and he went to Mogilev on a petty, purely personal occasion. In the carriage, Dobrynsky met Alad-in. They did not talk about anything serious, but Dobrynsky felt envy: after all, Aladin really went to Headquarters at the invitation of Kornilov, and Filonenko and Zavoyko met him on the platform. In Mogilev, whiling away the time before the train, Dobrynsky went to dinner at the Officers' Assembly. Here he overheard the conversation of unknown officers who denigrated the government and Kerensky himself. This meaningless episode was the impetus for the collapse of further events.

Returning to Moscow, Dobrynsky again met with Lvov. By his nature, he was ready to believe any lie, and Dobrynsky could not stand it. Under a terrible secret, he said that he had attended a secret meeting where it was decided to declare General Kornilov a dictator. At Headquarters, he said, everyone hates Kerensky. An assassination attempt is already being prepared on him, and the prime minister was specially invited to Mogilev in order to arrest, or even kill him. He, Dobrynsky, persuaded Kornilov to wait, but in his absence, bad advisers can force the commander-in-chief to change his mind.

Lvov was terribly agitated. He really admired Kerensky and was now afraid for him. He decided to go immediately to Petrograd in order to warn Kerensky of the imminent danger. Upon arrival in the capital, he immediately went to the Winter Palace and was immediately received by Kerensky. This already looks strange, the prime minister often refused to meet with the current ministers. According to Kerensky, he believed that Lvov had dropped in "simply to chat" (351). Let's accept this explanation - Kerensky knew that Lvov idolizes him, and could afford to enjoy a session of enthusiastic worship.

But the conversation from the very beginning went far from a public declaration of love. Lvov began to confusingly talk about the fact that Kerensky was losing authority in the country, that the extreme left, and now the right, was against him. The government, in his words, needs to have a more solid support and for this to include in the cabinet politicians who stand to the right of the Cadets. At the same time, he constantly spoke in such a way that it seemed as if he was acting on behalf of someone.

Kerensky tried to clarify who Lvov represented, but he replied that he could not say so. Nevertheless, Kerensky did not interrupt the conversation, did not put Lvov out. According to him, he thought that Lvov was acting on behalf of the "Rodzyankovskaya group", that is, moderate right-wing politicians who remained out of work after the revolution (352). The center of their consolidation in the spring of 1917 was the private meetings of the State Duma, and since August - the newly created Council of Public Figures.

Lvov and Kerensky parted almost amicably. Lvov promised at the next meeting to tell about who is behind him. Kerensky promised to answer the question about the prospects for expanding the government with representatives of the political right wing. Lvov backed away to the door, repeating that those whom he represents had serious powers and influence. Kerensky, smiling, escorted him to the exit, he seemed to sincerely enjoy this stupid conversation.

Of course, Lvov did not represent anyone but himself. Returning to Moscow, he contacted his older brother N.N. Lvov. He, too, in the recent past was a deputy of the Duma, but, unlike his younger brother, he was distinguished by a more sober and rational character. Lvov Sr. was a member of the leadership of the Trade and Industrial Union and had strong ties in the business and financial world. When the brothers met, the younger brother informed the elder that he had just arrived from Petersburg, where Kerensky had summoned him. According to him, Kerensky came to the conclusion that in order to fight Bolshevism it was necessary to lie down in the administration of right-wing public figures, and the Prime Minister entrusted this task to him (353). In the imagination of Lvov Jr., everything had time to get mixed up. The visit to Kerensky, initiated by him, became a trip by invitation; the proposal he had made at that meeting was now put into the prime minister's mouth. All this is important to understand in order to understand the causes of the later conflict between Kerensky and Kornilov.

We note one more circumstance: a lie always remains a lie, but the behavior of Dobrynsky and Lvov differed fundamentally in their nature. The fact that Dobrynsky was frank "Khlestakovism" sounded so sincere with Lvov that it could well convince the interlocutor. Lvov Sr. testified at the investigation in the Kornilov case: “I consider it necessary to add that my brother Vladimir, thanks to the emotional upheavals he experienced deeply connected with the 1917 revolution, was distinguished by an extreme imbalance of character and impetuosity in his decisions” (354). Less delicate contemporaries directly wrote that Lvov was seriously damaged by reason. In his brain, fantasy and reality were so intertwined that even he himself could not distinguish between them.

In the evening, Dobrynsky and Aladyin entered Lvov's hotel room. Lvov, by this time sincerely believing in his inventions, told them that his trip had been a complete success. Kerensky, he said, was quite ready to negotiate the reconstruction of the government. Needless to say, that was not the case at all. A day passed, and Lvov already saw everything in a different light than it was in reality. Aladyin sighed, "Well, thank God, we seem to have avoided blood." But the matter was spoiled by Dobrynsky, offended by the fact that he had ceased to be the center of attention. He said that he had received disturbing news from the Headquarters: the supporters of the dictatorship were again gaining the upper hand. Lvov began to fuss again and announced that he was going to Mogilev tomorrow to personally negotiate with Kornilov.

They set off together with Dobrynsky and the next day, August 24, they were already in place. Just at this time, Kornilov saw off Savinkov to the capital. General P.A. Polovtsev, who was traveling by the same train, recalled that he saw Lvov on the platform, but did not attach any importance to this (355). Before that, Lvov had never been to Headquarters; Dobrynsky had no acquaintances here either. More precisely, he was familiar, but purely random. During the first trip to Mogilev, Yesaul I.A. turned out to be Dobrynsky's companion. Rodionov, a member of the Main Committee of the Union of Officers, and part-time writer and journalist. It was to him that the arrivals went to the hotel "Paris". He was on the spot and hospitably offered Lvov an empty bed in his room.

A conversation ensued, and Rodionov immediately began to scold Kerensky. He said that Kornilov was about to proclaim himself a dictator, saying that the corresponding manifesto had already been prepared, but so far everything was kept secret. Lvov was already habitually horrified. Dobrynsky hurried to take away his impressionable friend. It was already evening when Lvov appeared at the governor's house. The name of the former minister played the role of a pass, and Kornilov agreed to accept it. The meeting, however, lasted only a few minutes. Referring to the late hour, Kornilov asked Lvov to come in the morning.

Lvov returned to the hotel. Rodionov was absent at that time. When he came home late at night, his guest was already asleep. Rodionov entered the room without turning on the light. Suddenly Lvov got up on the bed and in a voice in which not a drop of sleep could be felt asked: "How can Kerensky be saved?" - "From whom to save?" Rodionov was surprised. “The Supreme Commander-in-Chief said that between August 27 and 30, the Bolsheviks were expected to act in Petrograd. And I am afraid that they will kill Kerensky, because they are terribly angry with him" (356). In these words (and Rodionov swore that he reproduced them literally) something already completely abnormal is felt. The reconciliation of Kerensky and Kornilov became an obsession for Lvov, which did not leave him day or night.

The next day at 10 am Lvov was in Kornilov's office. In the corner, on a chair, Zavoyko settled down, for the time being not interfering in the conversation. First of all, Kornilov asked on whose behalf Lvov was negotiating. He quite definitely answered that he was acting on the initiative of Kerensky. When asked about written credentials, Lvov replied that there could be no extra papers in such a delicate matter, and his status as a former member of the government could serve as the best guarantee of his powers. According to him, he is "the most intimate friend" of Kerensky and therefore was chosen for this assignment.

Everything said sounded quite convincing, and Kornilov asked the guest to get to the point. Lvov began by describing in extremely gloomy colors what is happening in the country. The only way out of this situation, in his opinion, could only be a radical reconstruction of power. Switching to a pretentious tone, he declared that his friend Kerensky had authorized him to propose to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief three possible options for the further development of events: 1. Kornilov becomes head of government, and Kerensky returns to private life; 2. Kornilov heads the government, and Kerensky holds one of the ministerial posts; 3. The government delegates to Kornilov the powers of a sole dictator (357) .

In response, Kornilov said that the situation at the front was critical. Riga was taken, there was a threat of leaving Bessarabia. According to counterintelligence, the Bolsheviks are preparing for a speech in Petrograd. Strong power is needed to prevent catastrophe. “Do not think,” he said, “that I am speaking for myself, but for the salvation of the Motherland. I see no other way out than to transfer all military and civilian power into the hands of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. Lvov clarified: “And civilian?” Kornilov answered firmly: "Yes, and civilian."

Kornilov declared that he could not guarantee the life and safety of Kerensky and Savinkov anywhere but at Headquarters, and therefore asked them to come to Mogilev as soon as possible. He added that he was offering Savinkov the post of minister of war, and Kerensky the post of minister of justice. Here Zavoiko unceremoniously intervened in the conversation: "Not the Minister of Justice, but the Deputy Minister-Chairman." To which Lvov noticed that Kornilov did not react in any way to this almost undisguised rudeness. Lvov later recalled: "I felt both sorry for Kornilov and convincingly clear that the secretary was holding the Supreme Commander in his hands" (358).

This ended the audience. Lvov, together with Zavoyko, went to the rooms of the general on duty. Here they found Colonel Golitsyn and Dobrynsky. At breakfast, they were joined by a certain professor Yakovlev, who enthusiastically outlined his plan: to promise each soldier after the war 8 acres of land and thereby enlist their support. Lvov doubted: “Where will you get so much land?” - “I have everything calculated,” his interlocutor answered evasively, but he preferred to keep his calculations to himself (359).

After breakfast, Zavoyko put a sheet of paper on the table and casually said: "So, Kerensky will be the Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers." He wrote it down and looked up at Lvov: “Who will be the Minister of the Interior? Maybe you?" Lvov hastened to disown the flattering offer, and the name Filonenko appeared on the list. So gradually all the vacancies were filled. After the end of the conversation, Lvov (according to him, mechanically) took the paper with him. Later, during his arrest, this list was confiscated from him and attached to the investigation file.

These recordings give the impression of a completely ill-conceived improvisation. All members of the "camarilla" received ministerial posts on the list. Zavoyko is here named Minister of Justice, Aladin - Foreign Affairs. Candidates for the post of Minister of War included such dissimilar people as Savinkov, Alekseev, Lukomsky and Kolchak. An amazing picture is the political composition of the new Cabinet of Ministers. Socialists (Plekhanov, Argunov, the aged German Lopatin), figures of the old regime (M.N. Pokrovsky, Count P.N. Ignatiev) and representatives of big business (S.N. Tretyakov) (360) are almost equally represented in it. In practice, such a "black-and-red" cabinet was impossible to create, but this did not bother anyone. Adults played their games without thinking about the intended consequences.

Zavoyko was about to escort Lvov to the station. Here Lvov remembered the object of his adoration. He asked: "Kornilov guarantees the life of Kerensky?" - "Ah, how can the Supreme Commander-in-Chief guarantee the life of Kerensky?" “However, did he say that?” “You never know what he said! Can Kornilov vouch for every step Kerensky takes? He will come out of the house and they will kill him.” - "Who will kill?" - “Yes, even the same Savinkov, how much do I know who ...” - “But this is terrible!” - “There is nothing terrible. His death is necessary as an outlet for the excited feeling of being an officer.” - "So why is Kornilov calling him to Headquarters?" - "Kornilov wants to save him, but he cannot" (361).

Later, Zavoyko denied these bloodthirsty words in every possible way. He said he could only say that as a joke. “I have a disgusting character trait - in the case when I see an exceptional fool in front of me, in a conversation with the most serious look, cast some kind of bullet that runs counter to everything that was said up to that time” (362). In reality, it was, of course, not a bad joke. Zavoiko, sensing Lvov's weakness, consciously tried to intimidate him, and through him, Kerensky. Perhaps this trick would have worked if Lvov really came on behalf of the prime minister. Now it's even more confused. Lvov literally fell into a trance. He was afraid for Kerensky, he was afraid for himself, he was afraid to misrepresent the words spoken to him. From this fear, some nightmarish fantasies were born in his clouded mind.